Changing stories on Iraq (23 January 2004) by Raymond Whitaker and Glen Rangwala

Partly published in the Independent on Sunday as "The 50 lies, exaggerations, distortions and half truths that took this country to war" (25 January 2004)

1. What was all that about?

  • I have never put our justification for action as regime change.
    Tony Blair, House of Commons, 18 March 2003.

  • Tonight, British servicemen and women are engaged from air, land and sea. Their mission: to remove Saddam Hussein from power, and disarm Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction.
    Tony Blair, televised address to the nation, 20 March 2003

  • I have always said to people throughout that ... our aim has been the elimination of weapons of mass destruction.
    Tony Blair, press conference, 25 March 2003

    Within days, Mr Blair contradicts himself about the aims of the war.

  • we have high confidence that they have weapons of mass destruction. That is what this war was about and it is about. And we have high confidence it will be found.
    Ari Fleischer, White House press secretary, 10 April 2003

  • But for this military action, Saddam Hussein and his sons would still be in absolute control ... free to continue the repression and butchery of their people which ... we now know was on such a savage scale that victims number hundreds of thousands.
    Tony Blair, article in 'News of the World', 16 November 2003
    Regime change again becomes a central justification of the conflict.

  • You know how passionately I believed in this cause and in the wisdom of the conflict as the only way to establish long-time peace and stability.
    Tony Blair to British troops in Iraq, 4 January 2004
    No mention of WMD was made on this trip. But with Saddam now in custody and the insurgency in Iraq showing no sign of abating, the PM finds a new reason for the war.

  • As for the existence of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, there can be no doubt ... that those weapons existed. It is the job of the Iraq Survey Group to find out what has happened, which it will do.
    Tony Blair, House of Commons, 21 January 2004
    Mr Blair uses lawyer's language, ignoring Iraq's claim that the weapons existed, but were destroyed more than a decade ago. His next sentence implicitly acknowledges WMD may never be found.

  • For reasons that have a lot to do with the US government bureaucracy, we settled on the one issue everyone could agree on, which was weapons of mass destruction...
    Paul Wolfowitz, US deputy defence secretary, 'Vanity Fair', June 2003
    The Bush administration made no secret of its desire for "regime change". Some were ready to admit that WMD was a red herring.

2. Weapons, weapons programmes, or the desire for weapons?

  • We know that he has stockpiles of major amounts of chemical and biological weapons.
    Tony Blair, interview for NBC TV, 3 April 2002
    From early 2002, the Prime Minister began to emphasise claims that Iraq had stockpiles of weapons left over from before the 1991 war, without mentioning that the UN inspectors largely believed that most chemical and biological agents would have deteriorated over that twelve year period to the point of uselessness.

  • Iraq poses a threat to the world because of its manufacture and development of weapons of mass destruction.
    Jack Straw, interview with David Frost, 24 March 2002
    Claims that Iraq was still producing chemical and biological weapons were also prominent, even though the UN weapons inspectors had never shown that there was any production of prohibited weapons after 1991.

  • It [the dossier] concludes that Iraq has chemical and biological weapons, that Saddam has continued to produce them, that he has existing and active military plans for the use of chemical and biological weapons, which could be activated within 45 minutes, including against his own Shia population; and that he is actively trying to acquire nuclear weapons capability.
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons, 24 September 2002
    Claims that Iraq not only had prohibited weapons, but that it could use them at short notice, provided the headlines on the day after the dossier was released. No such weapons were found in place to be used once the invasion began.

  • We have absolutely no doubt at all that these weapons of mass destruction exist
    Tony Blair, press conference, 25 March 2003
    The Prime Minister repeatedly expressed certainty about the existence of weapons. This contrasted with the original draft of the September dossier drawn up by John Scarlett, chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee, which said that Iraq had "probably" continued to produce chemical and biological weapons.

  • I have absolutely no doubt whatever that he was trying to reconstitute weapons of mass destruction programmes. ... [Saddam Hussein] has always been intending to develop these weapons.
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons Liaison Committee, 8 July 2003
    With the failure to find weapons, the Prime Minister resorted in July 2003 to claims about weapons "programmes" and Saddam Hussein's intentions. Claims about existing weapons dropped out of Tony Blair's speeches.

  • A: Saddam was a danger and the world is better off cause we got rid of him.
    Q: But stated as a hard fact, that there were weapons of mass destruction as opposed to the possibility that he could move to acquire those weapons still —
    A: So what's the difference?
    Q: Well —
    A: The possibility that he could acquire weapons. If he were to acquire weapons, he would be the danger. That's, that's what I'm trying to explain to you.
    President Bush, interview with ABC, 16 December 2003
    President Bush retreated even further. For him the "possibility" of Iraq obtaining weapons in future was now enough to have justified the war.

  • We are seeking all the facts - already the Kay report identified dozens of weapons of mass destruction-related programme activities and significant amounts of equipment that Iraq concealed from the United Nations.
    George Bush, State of the Union address, 20 January 2004
    By 2004, the President was not even asserting the existence of weapons programmes, but "related programme activities". The new head of the US-led Iraq Survey Group, Charles Duelfer, said on 8 January 2004 that, "the prospects of finding existing weapons are just about nil."

3. The Weapons

  • Iraq has attempted to purchase high-strength aluminium tubes and other equipment needed for gas centrifuges, which are used to enrich uranium for nuclear weapons.
    George Bush, 7 October 2002
    The White House ignored persistent evidence from US scientists and the UN nuclear agency that the tubes were useless for centrifuges.
  • The British government has learnt that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa.
    George Bush, 28 January 2003
    The CIA knew the claim was based on crudely forged documents.

  • We believe he [Saddam] has reconstituted nuclear weapons.
    Vice President Dick Cheney, NBC's 'Meet the Press', 16 March, 2003

  • Q: Reconstituted nuclear weapons. You misspoke.
    A: Yeah. I did misspeak ... We never had any evidence that he had acquired a nuclear weapon.
    Mr Cheney on 'Meet the Press', 14 September 2003
    The VP took six months to correct his eve-of-war assertion.

  • On chemical weapons, the dossier shows that Iraq continues to produce chemical agent for chemical weapons; has rebuilt previously destroyed production plants across Iraq; has bought dual-use chemical facilities; has retained the key personnel formerly engaged in the chemical weapons programme; and has a serious ongoing research programme into weapons production, all of it well funded.
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons, 24 September 2002
    Claims about Iraq's ongoing production chemical and biological weapons fell flat when all the sites named in the Prime Minister's dossier were visited by UN weapons inspectors, and found to be clean.

  • Parts of the al-Qa'qa' chemical complex damaged in the Gulf War have also been repaired and are operational. Of particular concern are elements of the phosgene production plant at al-Qa'qa'.
    Prime Minister's dossier of 24 September 2002
    This claim was subject to ridicule by a government weapons consultant and former UN weapons inspector, who told the Hutton inquiry that Iraq had never used phosgene in weapons or shown any sign of wanting to do so. He called it "a pretty stupid mistake for the British to make."

  • Saddam Hussein has .. the wherewithal to develop smallpox.
    Colin Powell to the Security Council, 5 February 2003
    One of the most alarming claims was quickly shot down by the UN inspectors, who pointed out that there was no evidence that Iraq has any seed stock from which to produce smallpox. They'd said the same thing five years earlier.

  • We know that this man has got weapons of mass destruction. That sounds like a slightly abstract phrase, but what we are talking about is chemical weapons, biological weapons, viruses, bacilli and anthrax—10,000 litres of anthrax—that he has.
    Jack Straw to the House of Commons, 17 March 2003
    The British government persistently failed to distinguish the weapons that the UN couldn't prove that Iraq had destroyed and weapons it claimed Iraq still had. By mid-March, the Iraqi regime was providing more detailed proof of the destruction of these weapons.

  • On weapons of mass destruction, we know that the regime has them, we know that as the regime collapses we will be led to them. We pledged to disarm Iraq of weapons of mass destruction and we will keep that commitment.
    Tony Blair, press conference with President George Bush (8 April 2003)

  • It is also possible that they decided that they would destroy them [WMD] prior to a conflict.
    Donald Rumsfeld to the Council on Foreign Relations, 27 May 2003

  • We have already found two trailers, both of which we believe were used for the production of biological weapons
    Tony Blair, press conference in Poland, 30 May 2003
    In fact, as the Hutton inquiry revealed, British's leading biological weapons expert, David Kelly, had expressed the opposite view after inspecting the trailers. Kelly "was of the view that these were not biological weapons facilities", according to a senior defence official who testified.

  • It is not the most urgent priority now for us since Saddam has gone ...
    Tony Blair, 30 May 2003
    Finding WMD slides down the scale of importance.

  • We know where they are. They're in the area around Tikrit and Baghdad and east, west, south and north somewhat.
    Donald Rumsfeld, 30 March 2003

  • I should have said, 'I believe we're in that area. Our intelligence tells us they're in that area,' and that was our best judgement.
    Mr Rumsfeld, 10 September 2003
    WMD excuse which is now most prevalent: we believed it at the time.

  • In a land mass twice the size of the UK it may well not be surprising you don't find where this stuff is hidden.
    Tony Blair, BBC interview with David Frost, 11 January 2004

  • the Iraq Survey Group has already found massive evidence of a huge system of clandestine laboratories, workings by scientists, plans to develop long range ballistic missiles. Now frankly these things weren't being developed unless they were developed for a purpose.
    Tony Blair, interview with British Forces Broadcasting Service, 16 December 2003.
    This claim was dismissed as a "red herring" by the US chief administrator in Iraq, Paul Bremer. The Iraq Survey Group had never talked about a "massive" system, and didn't link the laboratories with weapons production or research.

  • Q: But it is absolutely clear now that the 45 minute thing and so on, that the weapons of mass destruction idea and you've moved on to talking about programmes now rather than weapons of mass destruction. But that was wrong wasn't it? I mean that was wrong?
    A: Well you can't say that at this point in time. What you can say is that we received that intelligence about Saddam's programmes and about his weapons that we acted on that, it's the case throughout the whole of the conflict.
    Tony Blair, interview with David Frost, 11 January 2004
    Finally, the Prime Minister admitted doubt about whether he had been wrong all along, but passes the buck for any mistakes to the intelligence services.

4. The UN inspectors

  • Is it not reasonable that Saddam provides evidence of destruction of the biological and chemical agents and weapons the UN proved he had in 1999? So far he has provided none.
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons, 25 February 2003
    US and UK leaders repeatedly invoked alleged findings of the UN to back up their claims about Iraq's weapons. In fact, the inspectors in 1999 were keen to emphasise how they didn't have any proof that Iraq had prohibited weapons, but they had suspicions that needed to be checked.

  • The United Nations concluded that Saddam Hussein had materials sufficient to produce more than 38,000 litres of botulinum toxin -- enough to subject millions of people to death by respiratory failure.
    President Bush, State of the Union address, 28 January 2003
    Unmovic explicitly contradicted this point: in March 2003, they wrote that "it seems unlikely that significant undeclared quantities of botulinum toxin could have been produced, based on the quantity of media unaccounted for."

  • By 1998, UN experts agreed that the Iraqis had perfected drying techniques for their biological weapons programmes.
    Colin Powell to the Security Council, 5 February 2003
    Unmovic recorded in March 2003 that it "has no evidence that drying of anthrax or any other agent in bulk was conducted."

  • if Saddam Hussein does ... readmit the weapons inspectors and allow them to do their job without restrictions and without conditions then the case for military action recedes to the point almost of invisibility and that is obvious, and is obvious too to the Saddam Hussein regime.
    Jack Straw, interview with David Frost, 15 September 2002
    Before Iraq readmitted the weapons inspectors in 2002, both the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary claimed that military action would not follow if Iraq complied with the inspectors.

  • Iraq was found guilty in 1991. Twelve years of defiance later, Saddam Hussein is not entitled to any presumption of innocence. It is for him to prove that he has, once and for all, given up what we know he has.
    Jack Straw, speech on 21 February 2003
    After Iraq re-admitted the inspectors, Jack Straw's language changed: now the Iraqis were already guilty due to what had happened since 1991.

  • we need to be prepared to follow through resolutions with action, as we did in the case of Iraq, which had defied UN Security Council mandatory resolutions for more than a decade.
    Jack Straw to the House of Commons, 27 November 2003
    After no prohibited weapons were found, Jack Straw seemed to forget that Iraq had readmitted inspectors: the reason for the invasion was Iraq's history of defying the UN.
5. Abandoning the UN route
  • Journeys are monitored by security officers stationed on the route if they have prior intelligence. Any changes of destination are notified ahead by telephone or radio so that arrival is anticipated. The welcoming party is a give away.
    The Prime Minister's dossier of 3 February 2003
    The claim that weapons inspectors were being obstructed whilst in Iraq was contradicted by Hans Blix, the chief inspector. He told the Security Council in February 2003 that "In no case have we seen convincing evidence that the Iraqi side knew in advance that the inspectors were coming."

  • But this time Saddam must understand. Now is the time for him to decide. Passive rather than active co-operation will not do. Cooperation on process not substance will not do. Refusal to declare properly and fully what has happened to the unaccounted for WMD will not do. Resolution 1441 called for full, unconditional and immediate compliance. Not 10%, not 20%, not even 50%, but 100% compliance. Anything less will not do.
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons, 26 February 2003
    The Prime Minister raised the threshold at every opportunity, so that even the slightest infringement by Iraq could be used to justify a war. Nevertheless, Hans Blix head of Unmovic, reported on 7 March 2003 that Iraq was meeting this standard: the cooperation received could be classed as "active, or even proactive".

  • I have every confidence—and I have expressed that confidence—in the weapons inspectors. ... As long as this regime is in place, and as long as it is refusing to co-operate, the inspection process becomes well-nigh impossible.
    Jack Straw to the House of Commons, 17 March 2003
    Jack Straw's claim that inspections were impossible, and so inspectors should be pulled out, stood in stark contrast to the view of the inspectors themselves, who reported on the advances being made through their work.

  • On Monday night, France said it would veto a second Resolution whatever the circumstances.
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons, 18 March 2003
    Mr Blair claimed that diplomatic solutions were impossible because of French obstructionism at the Security Council. In fact, President Chirac said that France would vote against any resolution that authorised force whilst inspections were still working. Chirac said that he "considers this evening that there are no grounds for waging war in order to ... disarm Iraq", a position borne out by UN reports on the progress of inspections. Jack Straw acknowledged in January 2004 that he had respect for the French position on the invasion.

  • the reason why the inspectors couldn't do their job in the end was that Saddam wouldn't co-operate.
    Tony Blair, interview on 4 April 2003
    The extent of Iraqi disarmament was never acknowledged by the British government. When the UN inspectors decided in 2003 that one of Iraq's types of missiles had a range marginally greater than that allowed by the UN, Iraq began destroy them, and was ahead of its timetable to destroy its entire stock when the US ordered weapons inspectors to leave the country.

  • Never once did I come to this House and say that I believed that we should not give the weapons inspectors more time because I did not think that they were going to get any more co-operation than they had had in the past.
    Jack Straw to the House of Commons, 27 November 2003
    The Foreign Secretary, through his triple negative, finally seemed to acknowledge that the weapons inspectors were receiving increased cooperation from the Iraqi regime at the time of the invasion.

  • In the event of Saddam refusing to co-operate or being in breach, there will be a further UN discussion, as we always said there would be. To those who fear this resolution is just an automatic trigger point, without any further discussion, paragraph 12 of the Resolution makes it clear that is not the case.
    Statement of the Prime Minister on Security Council Resolution 1441, 8 November 2002
    When the UK successfully pushed for the UN to adopt a new resolution on Iraq, they stressed that the UN would be central to the decision-making process. Instead, when they claimed that Iraq had violated the resolution, they did not convene a meeting at the Security Council and said this was unnecessary.

  • As the Foreign Secretary has pointed out, resolution 1441 gives the legal basis for this [war]
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons, 12 March 2003
    The Prime Minister contradicted his earlier statement, now claiming that the resolution did allow war.

6. Iraq and terrorism

  • There is no hidden agenda; this is not a prelude to a wider war. Our objectives are linked to the events of 11th September ... there is no evidence linking Iraq to the events of 11th September; there is no evidence either so far that links Iraq to the anthrax attacks in the United States. It's important that we emphasise those things.
    Geoff Hoon, 29 October 2001, ruling out an attack on Iraq due to lack of links with the September 11th attack in order to justify the war on Afghanistan.

  • Iraq has trained al-Qa'ida members in bomb-making and poisons and deadly gases
    George Bush, 7 October 2002
    This claim, four days before Congress authorised war, omitted classified caveats and warnings that the information might be unreliable.

  • There is some intelligence evidence about linkages between members of al-Qa'ida and people in Iraq.
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons Liaison Committee, 21 January 2003
    Blair had just seen an intelligence report, later leaked, which said al-Qa'ida was "in ideological conflict" with the "apostate" Iraqi regime, and there were no current links.

7. After the war

  • the oil revenues, which people falsely claim that we want to seize, should be put in a trust fund for the Iraqi people administered through the UN.
    Tony Blair to the House of Commons, 18 March 2003
    Britain co-sponsored a resolution to the Security Council, which was passed in May as Resolution 1483, that gave the US and UK control over Iraq's oil revenues. There is no UN-administered trust fund. The UN was meant to participate in an "International Advisory and Monitoring Board", which did not commence work until December 2003, and has yet to appoint external auditors to monitor the oil revenues.

  • The United Kingdom should seek a new Security Council Resolution that would affirm ... the use of all oil revenues for the benefit of the Iraqi people.
    Motion to the House of Commons for war with Iraq, moved by Tony Blair, 18 March 2003
    Iraq's oil revenues have been used to pay US firms, many of which have close connections with the US administration, and often at vastly inflated prices. Iraq still has to pay compensation for the invasion of Kuwait out of its oil revenues. Due to the absence of international oversight, there is little transparency in how the other revenues are being used.

  • over some period of months, the Iraqis will have their government selected by Iraqi people.
    Donald Rumsfeld, press conference, 13 April 2003
    The plan for elections within Iraq soon hit the buffers. The US-led administration now holds to the view that elections should be postponed until the end of 2005, almost three years after the invasion. This has provoked intense disquiet among the majority Shi'a community in particular.

  • This is about building a new civil society in Iraq after 35 years when we know women were suppressed, and ensuring women have a voice in Iraq.
    Patricia Hewitt, trade and industry secretary, 16 October 2003
    On 29 December, the US-appointed Iraqi Governing Council passed a decision that took away female rights in matters of divorce, marriage, inheritance and child custody, changing them back to their "traditional" form. As a result, Iraqi women have less rights in personal status issues than at any time since the 1950s.

  • We are agreed on the importance of the role of the United Nations in post-conflict Iraq. That is a role that should be there, not simply in respect of humanitarian issues, but also in respect of political and reconstruction issues that arise.
    Tony Blair, press conference, 16 April 2003
    The UN has not been granted political role in Iraq, other than acting in an advisory capacity to the Coalition Provisional Authority, the US-led administration. Its international staff were withdrawn from Iraq in September 2003, the administration of the ration was handed over to the CPA, and it is rarely consulted on the future of the country.

 

   
     

Author: Glen Rangwala

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